Thaddeus Stevens: Civil War Revolutionary, Fighter for Racial Justice by Bruce L

Description: Thaddeus Stevens by Bruce Levine A "powerful" (The Wall Street Journal) biography of one of the 19th centurys greatest statesmen, encompassing his decades-long fight against slavery and his postwar struggle to bring racial justice to America.Thaddeus Stevens was among the first to see the Civil War as an opportunity for a second American revolution—a chance to remake the country as a genuine multiracial democracy. As one of the foremost abolitionists in Congress in the years leading up to the war, he was a leader of the young Republican Partys radical wing, fighting for anti-slavery and anti-racist policies long before party colleagues like Abraham Lincoln endorsed them. These policies—including welcoming black men into the Unions armies—would prove crucial to the Union war effort. During the Reconstruction era that followed, Stevens demanded equal civil and political rights for Black Americans—rights eventually embodied in the 14th and 15th amendments. But while Stevens in many ways pushed his party—and America—towards equality, he also championed ideas too radical for his fellow Congressmen ever to support, such as confiscating large slaveholders estates and dividing the land among those who had been enslaved. In Thaddeus Stevens, acclaimed historian Bruce Levine has written a "vital" (The Guardian), "compelling" (James McPherson) biography of one of the most visionary statesmen of the 19th century and a forgotten champion for racial justice in America. FORMAT Paperback LANGUAGE English CONDITION Brand New Author Biography Bruce Levine is the bestselling author of four books on the Civil War era, including The Fall of the House of Dixie and Confederate Emancipation, which received the Peter Seaborg Award for Civil War Scholarship and was named one of the top ten works of nonfiction of its year by The Washington Post. He is a professor emeritus of history at the University of Illinois. Review "Bruce Levine… restores [Stevens] fully to his place in the American pantheon... A fitting monument to one of the most formidable gladiators ever to stride the halls of Congress." — The Wall Street Journal"At last, Thaddeus Stevens, one of the nineteenth centurys greatest proponents of racial justice, gets the biography he deserves. Drawing on a career of scholarly engagement with the Civil War era, Bruce Levine expertly relates how Stevens navigated the currents of the Second American Revolution, how he helped to bring about the destruction of slavery and was a leader in the effort during Reconstruction to make the United States a biracial democracy. We need Stevens passion for equality today." — Eric Foner, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery"He was called everything from Robin Hood to Robespierre to evil genius to fanatic and worse. He was a "radical" in a time when that was not always derogatory. This book reveals in many dimensions a Thaddeus Stevens, who with vicious wit and shrewd political skill, was a primary founder of the second American republic. Through deep understanding of all the contexts of the Civil War era and vivid writing, Bruce Levine gives us the best biography of this towering figure yet written, and a timely story about the power of racial equality." — David W. Blight, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom"Often reviled and generally misunderstood, Thaddeus Stevens has been relegated to a dark corner of the American historical stage. The distinguished historian Bruce Levine not only brings Stevens back into the light but also reveals his significance to the revolutionary dynamic of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Levines is a riveting read and a thought-provoking biography, more timely than ever." — Steven Hahn, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Political Worlds of Slavery and Freedom"Spirited." — The Civil War Monitor"Vital." — The Guardian "This succinct and compelling biography… casts Stevens as a congressional leader of the drive to abolish slavery and implant civil and political equality in the Constitution, though Congress failed in the end to adopt his plan to attack economic inequality by land reform in the reconstructed South." — James M. McPherson, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era "Levine deftly weaves political, social, and intellectual history into eleven brief chapters... helping us to understand 19th-century America as Americans of the time knew it, instead of as Lost Cause advocates… reimagined it in the years after the Civil War." — The National Review"Levine writes in lucid prose with a great depth of understanding... Its impossible to read this book without seeing a reflection of our own combustible times." — BookPage"Levines book, written in crisp and no-nonsense language… succeeds in recovering a richer, more complicated Stevens... Appreciated here in full, his career gives the lie to the oft-repeated idea, common in politics and certain kinds of history, that radical ideals and practical achievements are inevitably and always at odds... Levines study of the neglected, much maligned Stevens offers an opportunity to reflect on what this country might have been—and the merest glimmer of hope for what it might still be." — The Baffler Review Quote "At last, Thaddeus Stevens, one of the nineteenth centurys greatest proponents of racial justice, gets the biography he deserves. Drawing on a career of scholarly engagement with the Civil War era, Bruce Levine expertly relates how Stevens navigated the currents of the Second American Revolution, how he helped to bring about the destruction of slavery and was a leader in the effort during Reconstruction to make the United States a biracial democracy. We need Stevens passion for equality today." -- Eric Foner , Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery Excerpt from Book Chapter One: A Son of Vermont CHAPTER ONE A Son of Vermont Shortly after noon on Thursday, December 17, 1868, the U.S. House of Representatives put aside pressing business to pay tribute to one of its most influential members and surely its most colorful one. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania had died late in the previous summer, and on this day one man after another took the floor to honor his courage, integrity, eloquence, slashing wit, and especially his dedication to and achievements on behalf of human freedom. Stevens was born and raised in Vermont, and one of its congressmen read aloud a resolution from its legislature that claimed the deceased as "a son of Vermont." Another congressman from that state explained that its people had always held "that the strong love of freedom and independence for all men" that the mature Stevens displayed--"his hatred of all forms of oppression, and his efforts to elevate and benefit the masses"--that these qualities and others "were, to some extent, due to his being born in Vermont."1 Stevens had indeed grown up in a state proud of its recent struggle to protect its small farms and achieve a democratic form of government. His familys strong Baptist faith stressed individual rights, egalitarianism, and mutuality. Schooling exposed him to the classics of the ancient world, an Enlightenment-influenced Protestantism, and liberal capitalist principles. These and other early influences contributed to the young mans evolving personality, values, and view of the world. Stevenss parents had moved to Vermont from Methuen, Massachusetts, in 1786, just three years after the Revolutionary War ended. Along with some other families, Joshua Stevens and Sarah Morrill Stevens left their homes in hopes of escaping the economic hardships then afflicting Bay State farmers by resettling in a place whose soil was both cheaper and more fertile. Traveling 150 miles northward, they reached Danville, a small Vermont hill town set near a tributary of the Connecticut River. A few years later, Joshua managed to obtain a mortgage with which to purchase a farm there, and Sarah before long gave birth to four sons--Joshua Jr. in 1790; Thaddeus in 1792; Abner in 1794; and Alanson in 1797.2 Even in their new home, the Stevenses continued to struggle against poverty. The first two sons, Joshua Jr. and Thaddeus, were born with club feet--Joshua with two, Thaddeus with one. That left the boys unable to perform all the heavy labor that farming required. It also exposed them to ridicule. Someone who knew Stevens in his youth recalled that other youngsters would "sometimes... laugh at him, boy-like, and mimic his limping walk." Thaddeus, that neighbor added, "was a sensitive little fellow, and it rankled."3 The Stevens familys difficulties deepened when Thaddeuss father disappeared around 1804. The cause of that disappearance is unclear. Some suggest that Joshua Sr. simply fled his familys woes. Some say that after abandoning his family, he died in the War of 1812. After trying for three years to manage the Danville farm without a mate or sufficient aid from her children, Sarah moved herself and her sons to nearby Peacham to live with her brother. Thaddeus then remained in Vermont another seven years, until 1811, when he was nineteen.4 Vermonts political atmosphere in those years encouraged commitment to equality and democratic government. As Congressman Luke Poland noted in a eulogy for Stevens, that state was born in a fierce and protracted fight against what its residents viewed as "unlawful and unjust" attempts to oppress them. At stake in that fight were access to land and the right of democratic self-government. Although that struggle preceded Thaddeuss birth, Poland also noted, "the heroes and statesmen who were her leaders in those trying days were still alive" during Stevenss youth, and they continued to give "tone and temper to public sentiment and opinion for many years" afterward.5 Both before, during, and after the American Revolution, the region eventually known as Vermont--then commonly called the New Hampshire Grants--was claimed by both New Hampshire and New York. New Hampshire usually provided would-be settlers from New England with comparatively inexpensive land titles. But the colonial province of New York pronounced those claims invalid and during the 1760s bestowed titles of its own upon Yorker landlords and businessmen; some of those titles covered thousands of acres that overlapped with claims that Yankee farmers and speculators had previously staked.6 Even Yankee farmers whose deeds Yorkers did not challenge had good reason to oppose New Yorks claim to govern the region. The colonial province of New York contained huge manors, especially along the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers, where many hundreds of poor, landless tenants worked land owned by wealthy families who wielded great power in provincial government. That power enabled the provinces elite to enforce payment of the often heavy debts of the regions hard-pressed small farmers.7 When Yorkers, most of them absentee owners, tried to supplant Yankee farmers in the Hampshire Grants, the Yankees resisted, often violently. They rioted when Yorker-created courts tried to enforce the small farmers debts. They attacked, kidnapped, and even jailed officials attempting to evict them; freed neighbors arrested by such officials; destroyed the fences, crops, homes, and other property of Yorker newcomers; and forced the closing of local courts.8 In 1775, the Grants declared themselves a self-governing republic, eventually adopting the name of Vermont (from the French les Verts Monts, after the Green Mountain range that runs from north to south down the middle of the region).9 Although the small Vermont republic remained independent until admitted to the United States as a state in 1791, Vermont troops fought alongside the other insurgent colonies against Britain early in the war. That struggle further fanned the flames of social conflict at home. In the summer of 1777, revolutionary Vermont moved to finance the wars costs by seizing property belonging to imperial Loyalists and selling it at public auction. Such land seizures, when added to acreage forfeited by Yorkers and Loyalists who fled Vermont, represented a major transfer of property from one group of people to another. While speculators took advantage of the situation, this agrarian upheaval enabled many poor settlers--those already in Vermont as well as others who arrived from elsewhere in New England after the revolution--to obtain farms at low prices.10 Thaddeus Stevens was thus born in a state that owed its very existence to struggle by small farmers for land. In waging that struggle, Vermonts Yankee settlers drew strength from and reinforced a code of cultural, economic, and political values deeply rooted in New England. Those included belief in democratic government based on a broad-based suffrage and a conviction that the best society was one whose members owned their own small farms and whose mutual assistance helped to prevent creation of great extremes of wealth and poverty. Individual rights were prized, but personal interest must not threaten the welfare of the community.11 As colonists in North America waged their war for home rule against the British Empire, a second conflict broke out over who would rule at home. What kind of constitutions should newly born states adopt, and what kinds of state governments should those constitutions create? Some states, like New York, adopted constitutions structured to protect the interests of the social and economic elite against the dangers of too much democracy. They created weak and unwieldy bicameral legislatures in which effective veto power lay with upper houses elected solely by citizens with considerable property. They often placed more power in the hands of state governors whose lengthier terms of office placed them further above the reach of voters.12 Vermonters rejected that government model in favor of a more democratic one. The constitution they adopted in 1777 created a unicameral legislature that was stronger than the governor. Its members would be elected annually, with nearly all adult males enfranchised. (The one striking exception to this inclusive approach was a religious one. Vermonts constitution guaranteed full religious freedom only to Protestants and limited membership in the legislature to them.)13 The generally democratic spirit that suffused Vermont politics and structured its government did something else of historic importance. Vermonts constitution was the first in North America to condemn the enslavement of human beings. Echoing and elaborating upon the Declaration of Independence, its preamble announced that "all persons are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent, and unalienable rights, amongst which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety." From that premise Vermonters drew at least one conclusion absent from the U.S. Constitution, adopted a decade later. "No person born in this country, or brought from over sea," Vermonts constitut Details ISBN1476793387 Author Bruce Levine Short Title Thaddeus Stevens Publisher Simon & Schuster Language English Year 2022 ISBN-10 1476793387 ISBN-13 9781476793382 Format Paperback Publication Date 2022-03-01 Subtitle Civil War Revolutionary, Fighter for Racial Justice Imprint Touchstone Place of Publication New York Country of Publication United States NZ Release Date 2022-03-01 US Release Date 2022-03-01 UK Release Date 2022-03-01 Pages 336 Alternative 9781476793375 DEWEY B Illustrations 1x16 pg b&w insert Audience General AU Release Date 2022-05-03 We've got this At The Nile, if you're looking for it, we've got it. With fast shipping, low prices, friendly service and well over a million items - you're bound to find what you want, at a price you'll love! TheNile_Item_ID:137640018;

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