Rare Book "Putin's Enemies" 2007 edition "Europe" Moscow 2500 copies

Description: New condition.Paperback. Publishing house "Europe", Moscow, 2007. A rare book. 2500 copies. Weight: 386 gDimensions: 201x147x17 millimeters. There are about 300 pages.Author : Pavel Danilin, Natalia Kryshtal, Dmitry Polyakov. The book contains the opinions of famous people in Russia about Putin's policies. The heroes of the book are Boris Berezovsky, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky, Mikhail Kasyanov, Garry Kasparov, Eduard Limonov, Andrey Illarionov, Summary of the book "Putin's Enemies"Russia has two friends - its army and navy. Russia's enemies have always been visible and invisible. But lately, enemies within the country have been speaking out more openly against Russia. Their goal is to tear Russia apart, bleed it out, and weaken it. And the target of their hatred is the head of state, Vladimir Putin.: They believe that by attacking Putin, they are successfully striking at the country. Behind a large number of different riffraff, several serious and sinister figures loom - the real enemies of Vladimir Putin. They were all united by their hatred of the president, who did not let them do their business at the expense of the whole society. That is why they are also enemies of Russia.. PREFACEHOW TO BECOME ENEMIESThe heroes of this book – Boris Berezovsky, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky, Mikhail Kasyanov, Garry Kasparov, Eduard Limonov, Andrei Illarionov – will undoubtedly agree if they are called "enemies of Vladimir Putin." They don't just criticize the president or try to annoy or harm him in some way. They dream of destroying everything that was built in 2000-2007, but for now they are trying to discredit and delegitimize the Putin regime both inside Russia and abroad as much as they can. (The only exception is Khodorkovsky. He's already got his.) Many will surely say that, they say, if history had turned a little differently, then all these figures would either have remained in the Kremlin orbit or at least would not have turned into enemies. There are certain reasons for this. Berezovsky was one of the confidants of the Yeltsin Kremlin, which nominated Putin, and fought against the Luzhkov-Primakov Fatherland–All Russia (OVR) coalition. Yes, he fought primarily for himself. But, anyway, he and the ORT controlled by him had the most direct impact on the outcome of the hot autumn of 1999. Berezovsky's "dispossession" was not predetermined at all, if not for the challenge he threw at the entire Russian state. Gusinsky and his NTV were on the other side of the barricades in 1999, but he could, as Luzhkov and Primakov did, take a "vassal oath." Khodorkovsky did not go beyond the flags in the first Putin years, expanded his business, became so rich that Forbes put him in the first place on the list of Russian rich people. Kasyanov was generally the prime minister, i.e. formally the second person in the state in 2000-2004. Illarionov worked as an adviser to Putin until 2005. Kasparov, who tried to become a serious politician back in the 1990s, but only gained a very odious reputation, in 2000, like many, had a chance to reposition himself, wash himself off and finally achieve what he wanted. Limonov also had the opportunity to gain a foothold in the system niche. After all, for the time being he was engaged in the struggle for the rights of Russian-speaking citizens of the CIS countries, and, apparently, in contact with the special services… It turns out that they are not "ontological" enemies of the Putin regime? No, in certain circumstances, each of them made a choice and ended up where they were. In this book, Kasparov personifies pride, Berezovsky – anger, Limonov – lust, etc. The authors certainly had every reason to distribute mortal sins among their characters in this way. But it seems to me that these "heroes" all sin with pride. It was pride that clouded Gusinsky's mind, and instead of accepting defeat and asking for forgiveness, he continued the war. It was pride that prompted Berezovsky to claim some kind of "exclusive status" in Putin's system, to claim the right to a special position. Let's recall, for example, how in the summer of 2000 he criticized Putin's initiatives aimed at strengthening the state. But when it was made clear to him that it was best to shut up and not provoke, he flew into anger and also declared war on Putin. Hubris pushed Khodorkovsky into insane competition with the Kremlin during the 2003 Duma campaign. He wanted to create almost his own faction in parliament and openly buy power, dictate to it. Moreover, Khodorkovsky imagined himself to be an "international player" who has the right to negotiate independently with Western corporations and authorities. Pride and resentment at the refusal to create a new state bank for him pushed Kasyanov, this living embodiment of official solidity, to the "marches of the dissenters", at which he amusingly tried to portray himself as a "fiery tribune". Pride turned Illarionov into an evil buffoon, at whom the whole Kremlin laughed out loud. He was kept for the last few years almost just for fun. After his resignation, he went completely crazy and recently agreed that Yeltsin died to spite Putin (!!!). Pride made Kasparov and Limonov vile provocateurs and molesters. Moreover, for a long time one presented himself as a democrat and an ultra-liberal, and now he has come to cooperate with outright Nazis. Another, on the contrary, preached to his fans a terrible "red-brown" eclecticism, but in recent years he has actually been trying to "re-liberalize" Novodvorskaya herself… Pride did not allow them all to accept the new order, or rather, objectively assigned places and roles. It is generally believed that unwillingness to bend, integrate and put up with the inevitable is a virtue and even heroism. But this is how you can get (and many do, like some Latynina) to the apologies of bandits and terrorists. The Putin regime is pursuing a policy that meets the needs of the nation, to restore the Russian state, strengthen the state, maintain internal order consistent with our political tradition, and cultivate patriotism. And, as is well known, opposition to the regime, the fight against it is usually accompanied by an aggressive rejection of patriotism, statehood, and statesmanship. The "dissenters" are ready to talk for hours about the "bloody history of Russia", "the eternal hostility of the Russian state to its own people", "slave mentality", "imperial syndrome", etc. Ultimately, they all agree on the importance, usefulness and necessity of the desuverenization and forced "democratization" of our Homeland. In public speeches, this is usually shyly covered up with common phrases like "make Russia a normal country." Although sometimes there are open confessions, saying that we ourselves cannot overthrow anyone and change anything, and we will not be able to, one hope is for an "international blockade" and "humanitarian intervention." Some of them are quite sincere and consistent in their misconceptions. Someone – and, in my opinion, the heroes of this book belong to such – is guided by the simple principle: "if Yevtushenko is against collective farms, then I am for it." As for the "imps" who serve them, fussy crooks posing as political consultants and experts, all these Belkovsky-delyagins, they just earn a "penny". If the Kremlin had been less picky and squeamish and beckoned them with a finger, they would have pulled up their pants and rushed to praise sovereign democracy. However, it is not so important why a person rejects the Putin regime and becomes its enemy. It is important that in the current situation, he automatically becomes an enemy of the state and the nation, an enemy of our Homeland. They made their choice. They became enemies. And they need to be treated like enemies. Vitaly Ivanov, Vice-President of the Center for Political Conjuncture of Russia (CPCR) 100% ORIGINAL! USSR Good condition (see photo) nice and rare item for your collection Ask me any questions. Payment: PaypalUSA, European Union - Delivery time is about 14-20 days, by airmail with track numberOther countries - Delivery time about 21-30 days. Please let me know so that we can discuss and solve the problem together.Please check my other items in my store.Thank you for your time. Good luck SHIPPING INSTRUCTIONS: When you rate the shipping time part, please, take into consideration - international transit Items sent via standard or special courier. All items will pack very securely, to fully ensure that - the item arrives safely. 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Location: Polotsk

End Time: 2024-09-11T12:50:31.000Z

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